How and Why Did Women in SNCC
(the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee)
Author a Pathbreaking Feminist Manifesto, 1964-1965?

Endnotes

Introduction

1. This document project differs in three respects from those previously published in Women and Social Movements in the United States. Its documents come from one collection; the document headnotes are autobiographical; and the project is three times longer than most others. These features grew out of the remarkable collection of documents that Elaine DeLott Baker brought with her out of Mississippi in 1965. The uniqueness of the collection led us to remain within its boundaries, reinforcing the project's autobiographical focus. The autobiographical headnotes expanded that focus, providing Elaine DeLott Baker's present-day perspective on her 1964 experience. The length developed as we explored the richness of the collection.

The project began at the annual meeting of the Organization of American Historians in Seattle in 2009 where Elaine DeLott Baker (EDB) presented a paper that she co-authored with sociologist Francesca Polletta, "The 1964 Waveland Memo and the Rise of Second-Wave Feminism." There EDB described papers, including those about the Waveland Memo, that she brought out of Mississippi after the Freedom Summer of 1964, a watershed moment in US history. Kitty Sklar (KKS) attended that session and spoke with her afterwards about the possibility of assembling a document project on the Waveland Memo. For three years EDB gradually organized her documents and for two and a half years she and KKS shaped them into a document project. During the last year of the project the two worked quite intensively, deciding that they would work together to select the documents; that EDB would write headnotes for the documents; and that KKS would write the overall Introduction and interpretation. From our individual perspectives as a civil rights activist and a feminist historian, we wove together new insights on the intersection of the civil rights movement and second wave feminism.

EDB was aided on this journey by two talented assistants who worked with her in Denver--Kristin Cutaia and her daughter, Terra Cutaia, a library science student at Simmons College. In Berkeley KKS benefited during the project's early stages from research assistance by Rachel Martin, PhD candidate at the University of Minnesota and Yana Skorobogatov, PhD candidate at UC Berkeley. We are both grateful to Eric Riehl, UC Berkeley, class of 2015, who as the project's research assistant for the last year and a half, maintained and updated our vast array of electronic files, our digitized documents and their interpretive metadata, and hard copies and transcriptions of our documents. His persistence and good humor kept us on track. Tom Dublin provided us with steady editorial support that has made it possible for us to expand the project far beyond our initial conception. Thank you, Tom.

Casey Hayden graciously contributed her first-hand knowledge in areas where the documents still presented a lack of clarity. She reviewed multiple versions of the Introduction. She critiqued the headnotes, added to the headnotes and lent her voice to the headnote work. And she made the whole project more fun. Thank you, Casey.

Many colleagues have encouraged us with their questions and comments. We especially thank Professors Sara Evans, Wesley C. Hogan, Margaret Washington, Judy Tzu-Chun Wu and Francesca Polletta who read more than one version of the Introduction and generously shared their knowledge of the sources and their wisdom about the topic. We offer this project as a celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of Freedom Summer, hoping that it will be a useful resource, especially for scholars and students who understand American history as a history of struggle.
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2. The best entry point to the vast literature on "Freedom Summer" is Wesley C. Hogan, Many Minds, One Heart: SNCC's Dream for a New America (Chapel Hill: University of North Caroline Press, 2007), 95-166. The classic studies of SNCC are Howard Zinn, SNCC: The New Abolitionists (2nd edition, New York: Haymarket Books 2013); and Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2nd edition, 1995). See also Aldon D. Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Free Press, 1986); and John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994). For the effect of SNCC's model of self-sacrifice on Martin Luther King, Jr., see Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963-65 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1998), p. 26.
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3. Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. To facilitate electronic searching, this introduction refers throughout to "Elaine DeLott" rather than "Elayne DeLott." Documents here include letters and journal writings by Elaine DeLott Baker. We did not search the microfilm collection of the SNCC papers to see how many documents included in our project were also on the microfilm. Readers may find some documents here that are not in the microfilm collection and are published here for the first time. The microfilm version of SNCC papers was gathered primarily from SNCC headquarters in Atlanta: Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee Papers, 1959-1972, Microfilming Corporation of America, Sanford, N.C., 1981. The originals are held by the Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for Nonviolent Change, Library and Archives, Atlanta, Ga. The papers that Elaine DeLott brought out of Mississippi were gathered primarily from Jackson, Mississippi.
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4. Sociologist Francesca Polletta has undertaken the most extensive scholarly analysis of the authors of the Waveland Memo, and our findings closely resemble hers. She attributed authorship to a group of white women that included Elaine DeLott Baker, and Emmie Schrader Adams as well as Casey Hayden and Mary King, See Francesca Polletta, Freedom Is an Endless Meeting: Democracy in American Social Movements (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 206, n. 11. Polletta also includes Theresa Del Pozzo, but Del Pozzo does not mention participating in the authorship of the memo in her autobiographical account of the Waveland retreat. See Theresa Del Pozzo, "The Feel of a Blue Note," in Constance Curry et al, eds., Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2000), p. 198. Our interpretation here differs in two regards from Polletta's. She identifies some but not all of the factors identified in this Introduction in accounting for white women's protest against sex discrimination. And she does not discuss the shared motivation of Black and white women in such protest.

For more of Polletta's work related to SNCC in 1964, see Francesca Polletta, "Strategy and Identity in 1960s Black Protest: The Activism of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, 1960-1967," (Unpub. Ph.D. Diss., Yale University, 1994); Polletta, "Culture and Its Discontents: Recent Theorizing on the Cultural Dimensions of Protest," Sociological Inquiry, Vol. 67, No. 4 (Nov. 1997), 431-50); Polletta, "How Participatory Democracy Became White: Culture and Organizational Choice," Mobilization: An International Journal, 10:2 (Feb. 2005); Polletta, It Was Like a Fever: Storytelling in Protest and Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006); and Polletta, "Culture and Movements," ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 619:1 (September 2008), 78-96.
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5. Sara Evans, Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left (New York: Knopf, 1979). Using the sources available to her, Evans identified Mary King and Casey Hayden as the authors of both documents. This excluded two authors of the 1964 document who have been subsequently identified--Elaine DeLott and Emmie Schrader Adams. Mary King's autobiography, Freedom Song: A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement (New York: Quill, 1987), asserted that she and Hayden wrote both the 1964 and 1965 memos, but that claim fails to include DeLott and Adams for the 1964 memo and ignores the primary authorship of Casey Hayden for the 1965 memo. (See headnote to Document 86A). This document project follows up on Casey Hayden's 2000 description of her participation in a white group that authored the 1964 document: "I was in the room at Waveland where the papers were mimeographed, surrounded by perhaps five women. I recall the group as white and related to Literacy House conversations about women, which in turned traced back to Atlanta, Ann Arbor, and Austin." Casey Hayden, "Fields of Blue," in Deep in Our Hearts, p. 365.
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6. Winifred Breines, The Trouble Between Us: An Uneasy History of White and Black Women in the Feminist Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 19-49, highlights differences between Black and white women staff members but does not actually analyze its text, focusing instead on racial differences between white and Black women on questions related to sexism. Racial differences are also highlighted in Carol Giardina, Freedom for Women: Forging the Women's Liberation Movement, 1953-1970 (Tallahassee: University Press of Florida, 2010). See also Benita Roth, Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in America's Second Wave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
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7. Biographical details and quotations from EDB Interview, quoted in Deborah L. Schultz, Going South: Jewish Women in the Civil Rights Movement (New York: New York University Press, 2001), pp 135, 172, 173, 176.
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8. EDB's study of personal identity at Harvard included her tutorial with Francesca Cancian, later author of Love in America: Gender and Self-Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
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9. Quoted in Kenneth O'Reilly, Racial Matters: The FBI's Secret File on Black America, 1960-1972 (New York: Free Press, 1991), p. 167.
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10. See Clay Risen, The Bill of the Century: The Epic Battle for the Civil Rights Act (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2014); and Gary May, Bending Toward Justice: The Voting Rights Act and the Transformation of American Democracy (New York: Basic Books, 2013).
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11. Doug McAdam, Freedom Summer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 12-13 and passim. See also Cleveland Sellers with Robert L. Terrell, River of No Return: The Autobiography of a Black Militant and the Life and Death of SNCC (New York: Morrow, 1973), p. 41; Emily Stoper, The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee: The Growth of Radicalism in a Civil Rights Organization (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1989); and Clayborne Carson and Heidi Hess, "Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee," in Darlene Clark Hine, et al., Black Women in America: an Historical Encyclopedia (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1993), pp. 1122-23; and Anthony Orum, Black Students in Protest: A Study of the Origins of the Black Student Movement (Washington, D.C.: American Sociological Association, 1972). Orum notes that the class background of students embraced a broad range, not only middle-class, p. 77.
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12. For the armed struggle, see Charles E. Cobb, This NonViolent Stuff'll Get you Killed: How Guns made the Civil Rights Movement Possible (New York: Basic, 2014); and Herbert Shapiro, White Violence and Black Response: From Reconstruction to Montgomery (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988.) See also, Steven Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003). For the political struggle see Dittmer, Local People, pp. 101-03; Neil R. McMillen, Dark Journey: Black Mississippians in the Age of Jim Crow (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989); Sellers, River of No Return; and Nicolaus Mills, Like a Holy Crusade: Mississippi 1964: The Turning of the Civil Rights Movement in America (Chicago: Ivan Dee, 1992).

For more on the radicalism of SNCC's voter registration campaign from the perspective of a Tougaloo student see Anne Moody, Coming of Age in Mississippi (New York: Dell, 1968), pp. 249-363. Excerpts are available online on Women and Social Movements in the United States. See also James P. Marshall, Student Activism and Civil Rights in Mississippi: Protest Politics and the Struggle for Racial Justice, 1960-1965 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2013); and Wesley Hogan, "Freedom Now: Nonviolence in the Southern Freedom Movement, 1960-1964," in Crosby, Civil Rights History from the Ground Up, pp. 172-93; and "Jane Stembridge Interview," in Emily Stoper, The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee: The Growth of Radicalism in a Civil Rights Organization (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1989), pp. 254-55.
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13. John N. Hale, "A History of the Mississippi Freedom Schools, 1954-1965" (Unpublished Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009), pp. 32-33. See also Katherine Mellen Charron, Freedom's Teacher: The Life of Septima Clark (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009).

Gavin Wright, Sharing the Prize: The Economics of the Civil Rights Revolution in the American South (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2013).

Photo of the Jackson police in Danielle L. McGuire, At the Dark End of the Street: Black Women, Rape, and Resistance--A New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power (New York: Knopf, 2010), p. 168. This and other photos by Matt Herron are online at Take Stock: Images of Change.
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14. Hogan, Many Minds, One Heart, p. 96; Carson, In Struggle, pp. 75-76. See also David L. Chappell, Inside Agitators: White Southerners in the Civil Rights Movement (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994).
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15. For the "Emmett Till generation," see Breines, The Trouble Between Us, p. 42. For the history of white southern women's opposition to the rape narratives and lynching of Black men before 1940, see Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jessie Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching (New York: Columbia University Press, rev. ed., 1993). See also Estelle B. Freedman, Redefining Rape: Sexual Violence in the Era of Suffrage and Segregation (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2013), pp. 253-70.
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16. Adams, "From Africa to Mississippi," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 320.
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17. For "Freedom High" see McAdam, Freedom Summer, p. 295. For the Black Freedom Movement, see Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: a Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003). See also Bruce Hartford, "The Power of Freedom Songs."
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18. See Eric Foner and Steven Hahn, Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation on Its Legacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2007).
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19. Evans, Personal Politics, pp. 29-30; Kathryn Kish Sklar, Women's Rights Emerges within the Antislavery Movement: A Short History with Documents, 1830-1870 (Boston: Bedford Books, St. Martin's Press, 2000), p. 13; Ellen Alderman and Caroline Kennedy, The Right to Privacy (New York: Vintage, 1997).
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20. See Jay Driskell, "Amzie Moore: The Biographical Roots of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi," in Susan M. Glisson, The Human Tradition in the Civil Rights Movement (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 129-55.
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21. Ransby, Ella Baker, pp. 251, 271.
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22. Sociologist Francesca Polletta discusses this aspect of SNCC in Freedom Is an Endless Meeting. She argues that because culture is "constitutive of interests and identities" in social movements (and not merely background), culture creates "new actors and interests in contention" within social movements and "familiar, routinized practices [become] problematic." Polletta, "Culture and Movements," quotation, p. 85. See also Polletta, It Was Like a Fever, pp. 36-37.
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23. Driskell, "Amzie Moore," 152. See also Jay Driskell, Schooling Jim Crow: the Fight for Atlanta's Booker T. Washington High School and the Roots of Black Protest Politics (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2014).
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24. See Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007); David T. Beito and Linda Royster, Black Maverick: T.R.M. Howard's Fight for Civil Rights and Economic Power (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009); and Adam Nossiter, Of Long Memory: Mississippi and the Murder of Medgar Evers (New York: Da Capo Press, 2002).
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25. For a casual mention of Amzie Moore's "lugar," see Tracy Sugarman, Stranger at the Gates: A Summer in Mississippi (New York: Hill and Wang, 1966), p. 75.
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26. See Marshall, Student Activism, 193-94, for a map of Mississippi congressional districts, and pp. 35-36 and 258n10 for voting statistics before and after 1965.
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27. Hayden, "Fields of Blue," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 352.
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28. Hayden, "Fields of Blue," p. 350. For the risks that white women volunteers encountered even when assigned to library work, see Sally Belfrage, Freedom Summer (New York: Viking, 1965), pp. 30-44.
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29. Robnett, How Long? pp. 103-11. Robnett and others have made valuable contributions by emphasizing Black women's contributions to SNCC. Robnett's notion of Black women acting informally as "bridges" from communities to organizations has illuminated their power. See also Belinda Robnett, "African-American Women in the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965: Gender, Leadership, and Micromoblization," American Journal of Sociology, 101:6 (May 1996), pp. 1661-93. Yet scholarly treatment of women in SNCC has been complicated by a tendency to dichotomize categories that could be understood as overlapping--especially sexism and opportunity, and the experience of white women and Black women. For example, Robnett in How Long?, p. 110, dichotomizes women's praise for their opportunities in SNCC as opposed to the limitations described in the Waveland Memo, and concludes that the opportunities were valid and the criticism hypothetical. An alternative is Wesley Hogan, Many Minds, One Heart, which views opportunities and limitations as overlapping categories, quoting Casey Hayden that the Waveland Memo was part of the "questioning and pushing back of limits in which we were engaged at all levels," p. 289.
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30. Gwendolyn Zoharah Simmons aka Gwendolyn Robinson, "From Little Memphis Girl to Mississippi Amazon," Faith S. Holsaert, et al, eds., Hands on the Freedom Plow: Personal Accounts by Women in SNCC (Urbana: University of Illinois Press), pp. 9-32; quotes, p. 26. Women were sometimes appointed SNCC project heads when men no longer wanted the job.
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31. Simmons/Robinson, "From Little Memphis Girl," Hands on the Freedom Plow, pp. 29 & 32.
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32. Hellen O'Neal-McCray, "Watching, Waiting, and Resisting," Hands on the Freedom Plow, pp. 61-64. O'Neal later taught elementary school in Springfield, Ohio for twenty-nine years and literature classes at Wilberforce University for nine years. See also Francoise N. Hamlin, Crossroads at Clarksdale: the Black Freedom Struggle in the Mississippi Delta after World War II (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012). Quote about Green in Hogan, Many Minds, One Heart, 290.
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33. Cynthia Griggs Fleming, Soon We Will Not Cry: The Liberation of Ruby Doris Smith Robinson (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998), pp. 151-55.
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34. Dorothy I. Height, "'We Wanted the Voice of a Woman to Be Heard:' Black Women and the 1963 March on Washington," Bettye Collier-Thomas and V.P. Franklin, eds., Sisters in the Struggle: African American Women in the Civil Rights-Black Power Movement (New York: New York University Press 2001), pp. 83-94.
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35. Debbie Z. Harwell, Wednesdays in Mississippi: Proper Ladies Working for Radical Change, Freedom Summer, 1964 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2014), pp. 1-67.
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36. See Dorothy Height's discussion of matriarchy in Black families in The President's Commission on Consultation on Minority Groups (1963), p. 21, in Keisha N. Blain and Kathryn Kish Sklar, "How Did the President's Commission on the Status of Women and Subsequent State and Local Commissions Address Issues Related to Race?" on this website. When the commission began to respond positively to Height's suggestion that aiding Black men in access to better employment would shift some of the burden away from women in Black families, Undersecretary of Labor Daniel P. Moynihan intervened and killed the possibility. (See Daniel P. Moynihan, "Memorandum to Mrs. Peterson," 26 March 1963, also in Blaine and Sklar.) Moynihan then advanced his political career in 1965 by authoring a Department of Labor report, later called "the Moynihan Report," which claimed that problems in Black families were not due to the need for better employment of Black men but due to a Ghetto pathology that was cultural. For more on his report, see Blain and Sklar, "How Did the President's Commission?"
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37. The best survey of this choice by Black women is Breines, The Trouble Between Us, pp. 19-49.
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38. Jean Wheeler Smith, remarks at Trinity College, SNCC Conference, Hartford, CT, 1988, quoted in Fleming, Soon We Will Not Cry, p. 102.
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39. Penny Patch, "Sweet Tea at Shoney's," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 155.
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40. EDB interview, quoted in Schultz, Going South: Jewish Women in the Civil Rights Movement, p. 118.
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41. Fleming, Soon We Will Not Cry, pp. 101-141; Gloria Wade-Gayles, Pushed Back to Strength: A Black Woman's Journey Home (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993), p. 180. See also Mary Aickin Rothschild, A Case of Black and White: Northern Volunteers and the Southern Freedom Summers, 1964-1965 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1982), pp. 127-54.
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42. See Freedman, Redefining Rape.
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43. Penny Patch, "Sweet Tea at Shoney's," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 155.
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44. James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (Seattle: The University of Washington Press, 1997), pp. 407-11; Peniel Joseph, Stokely: A Life (New York: Basic Books, 2014) pp. 78-82; and Harry Belafonte, My Song: A Memoir (New York: Knopf, 2011), pp. 232-237.
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45. For Hayden's support of sit-ins in 1960, see "Casey Hayden" in Davis W. Houck and David E. Dixon, eds., Women and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2009), pp. 135-38. For Nash's leadership in 1961, see Ibid., 154-68. See also Charles Marsh, The Beloved Community: How Faith Shapes Social Justice, from the Civil Rights Movement to Today (New York: Basic Books, 2005).
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46. Hayden, "Fields of Blue," Deep in Our Hearts, pp. 351-52.
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47. Doris A. Derby, "Sometimes in the Group Troops, Sometimes in the Leadership," Hands on the Freedom Plow, p. 442.
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48. Casey Hayden email to KKS, October 10, 2014. Hayden remembers equipping Literacy House before Mary King arrived, but King describes in great (and different) detail equipping the house with Hayden. (Freedom Song, 402.)
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49. Casey Hayden email to KKS, October 10, 2014.
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50. Emmie Schrader Adams, "From Africa to Mississippi," Deep in Our Hearts, 291-331, quote on p. 316.
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51. See Ruth T. Plimpton, Operation Crossroads Africa (New York: Viking, 1962); and Harold Robert Isaacs, Emergent Americans: A Report on "Crossroads Africa" (New York: John Day, 1961).
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52. Adams, "From Africa to Mississippi," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 306.
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53. Adams, From Africa to Mississippi," Deep in Our Hearts, pp. 313-14.
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54. King, Freedom Song, 401, 208, 36-37. See also Vanessa Murphree, The Selling of Civil Rights: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the Use of Public Relations (New York: Routledge, 2006).
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55. King, Freedom Song, p. 35.
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56. King, Freedom Song, pp. 59, 401.
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57. EDB Interview with KKS, June 30, 2014; EDB, "The Freedom Struggle Was the Flame," Hands on the Freedom Plow, p. 272.
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58. Evans, Personal Politics, pp. 87-88.
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59. Evans touched briefly on the personal aspects of the analogy in Personal Politics, p. 87. Because many historians mistakenly assume that the Waveland Memo focused on work-related discrimination, experts in the field must constantly correct the misperception that SNCC was more sexist than American society generally. For a commentary on that historiography, see Charles M. Payne, "'Sexism is a Helluva Thing': Rethinking Our Questions and Assumptions," in Emilye Crosby, Civil Rights History from the Ground Up: Local Struggles, A National Movement (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011), pp. 19-29. See also Laurie B. Green, "Challenging the Civil Rights Narrative: Women, Gender, and the 'Politics of Protection,'" Charles Payne, "Men Led, but Women Organized: Movement Participation of Women in the Mississippi Delta," in Guida West and Rhoda Lois Blumberg, eds., Women and Social Protest (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990; also reprinted in Vicki L. Crawford, Jacqueline Anne Rouse and Barbara Woods, eds., Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers & Torchbearers 1941-1965 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); and Bettye Collier-Thomas and V.P. Franklin, Sisters in the Struggle: African-American Women in the Civil RightsóBlack Power Movement (New York: NYU Press, 2001).
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60. See Sklar, Women's Rights Emerges, pp. 26, 100-103.
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61. For Murray's use of the analogy in discussions that led to the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, see Pauli Murray, The Autobiography of a Black Activist, Feminist, Lawyer, Priest, and Poet (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1989), pp. 347-58.
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62. See for example, Kimberly Crenshaw and Neil Gotanda, eds., Critical Race Theory: the Key Writings that Formed the Movement (New York: New Press, 1996); and Patricia J. Williams, Seeing a Color-Blind Future: the Paradox of Race (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1998).
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63. For the first printed use of the term "sexism" in Caroline Bird's forward to Born Female (1968), see Frank R. Shapiro, "Historical Notes on the Vocabulary of the Women's Movement," American Speech, Vol. 60, no. 1 (Spring 1985), pp. 3-16. In a letter to the New York Times on 2 March 1969, Ellen Willis and other women's liberationists declared, "Sexism is no less evil than racism or capitalism." Shapiro, p. 7.
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64. For a summary of the scholarly analysis of Black "matriarchy" in the work of Robert Staples and others, see Peter J. Ling and Sharon Monteith, "Introduction," in Ling and Monteith, eds., Gender and the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Garland, 1999), pp. 1-16. For other issues related to Black masculinity, see Belinda Robnett "Women in the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee: Ideology, Organizational Structure, and Leadership," in Ling and Monteith, Ibid, pp. 131-68. See also Joyce Ladner, "What Black Power Means to Negroes in Mississippi," in August Meier, ed., Black Experience: The Transformation of Activism (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1973), pp. 91-114. See also Evans, Personal Politics, p. 196. See note 40 above for use of Dorothy Height's 1963 effort to use "matriarchy" to promote positive public policies.
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65. Joseph, Stokely: A Life, pp. 6-7.
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66. Hayden, "In the Attics of My Mind," Hands on the Freedom Plow, p. 382.
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67. For more on Carmichael's comment, see "Women, SNCC, and Stokely: An Email Dialog, 2013-14," at http://www.crmvet.org/disc/women2.htm.
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68. Elaine DeLott Baker, "They Sent Us This White Girl," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 272.
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69. Polletta, "Culture and Its Discontents," p. 434.
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70. For that breakaway, see Evans, Personal Politics, pp. 156-92.
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71. Elaine DeLott Baker remembers Moses at the Atlanta staff meeting of February 1965 when he adopted his wife's last name, Parris. EDB email to KKS, Nov. 2, 2014.
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72. Elaine Delott Baker, "They Sent Us This White Girl," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 273.
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73. Penny Patch, "Sweet Tea at Shoney's," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 158.
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74. Pete Daniel, Dispossession: Discrimination against African American Farmers in the Age of Civil Rights (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013). EDB's photos are on the cover, frontispiece, and pp. 81, 84 and 105. See p. 86 for a photo of EDB in 1971. For photos of the Jackson movement, see Ed King and Trent Watts, Ed King's Mississippi: Behind the Scenes of Freedom Summer (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2014), pp. 51-73. See also Matt Herron, Mississippi Eyes: the Story and Photography of the Southern Documentary Project (San Rafael, CA: Talking Fingers, 2014).
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75. Patch, "Sweet Tea," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 163.
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76. Hayden, "Fields of Blue," p. 370; and Hayden "In the Attics of My Mind," p. 384.
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77. On consciousness raising, see Evans, Personal Politics, pp. 134, 137, 214-15. See also Wesley Hogan, "Freedom Now! SNCC Galvanizes the New Left," in Robert Cohen and David J. Snyder, Rebellion in Black and White: Southern Student Activism in the 1960s (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013), 43-59. Hogan's emphasis on SNCC's diaspora of influence into the New Left and progressive politics generally in the U.S. is well supported by Elaine DeLott Baker's example of what she learned in Mississippi and took away from Mississippi. (See Document 98.)
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78. Polletta, "Culture and Its Discontents," p. 446.
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79. EDB, "The Freedom Struggle Was the Flame," p. 416.
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80. For the history of how discrimination on the basis of sex was included in the legislation, see Documents 3 and 8 in Serena Mayeri, "How and Why Was Feminist Legal Strategy Transformed, 1960-1973?" a document project on this website.
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81. Echols, Daring to Be Bad: Racial Feminism in America, 1967-75 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1969), p 73. Carol Hanisch, The Personal Is Political, (pamphlet) February 1969, online at www.carolhanisch.org. Hanisch's essay uses the race and sex analogy: "Women, like blacks, workers, must stop blaming ourselves for our 'failures.'" In an online introduction to the pamphlet (January 2006), Hanisch notes that after leaving Mississippi she worked in New York with the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF). For more on the SCEF, see Irwin Klibaner, Conscience of a Troubled South: The Southern Conference Educational Fund, 1946-1966 (Brooklyn: Carlson, 1989). See also Naomi Weisstein, "Sexual Caste System Chicago Illinois," Spark, 3:3 (March 1970), Women's Liberation Ephemera Files, Special Collections, Northwestern University, Evanston, Ill.; and Jo Freeman, "The Legal Basis of the Sexual Caste System," Valparaiso University Law Review, 5:2 (1971), accessible online at http://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol5/iss2/1.
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82. Hayden, "Fields of Blue," Deep in Our Hearts, p. 370; and Hayden, "In the Attics of My Mind," p. 384.
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83. Evans, Personal Politics, pp. 97-101. See also Liz Stanley and Sue Wise, Breaking Out: Feminist Consciousness and Feminist Research (London: Routledge, 1983).
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84. In addition to those already cited, the memoir literature includes Cheryl Lynn Greenberg, ed., A Circle of Trust: Remembering SNCC (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998); and Elizabeth Martinez, ed., Letters from Mississippi: Reports from Civil Rights Volunteers & Poetry of the 1964 Freedom Summer (Brookline, MA: Zephyr Press, 2007); Chude Allen, et. al., "The Freedom Movement and Ourselves: Looking Back 50 Years Later," (Oakland, CA, 2014), Discussion online at Civil Rights Veterans; Maria Gitin, This Bright Light of Ours: Stories from the Voting Rights Fight (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2014). See also Chana Kai Lee, For Freedom's Sake: The Life of Fannie Lou Hamer (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000).
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85. Belinda Robnett, How Long, How Long?: African American Women in the Struggle for Civil Rights (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 110; For accounts of the Simmons, Tilllinghast and Ladner experiences, see Holsaert, et al., eds., Hands on the Freedom Plow: Personal Accounts of Women in SNCC (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2010), 9-32, 217-23, 250-57.
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Document 81M

86. Daniel, Dispossession.
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87. See also, Janet Jemmott Moses, "If We Must Die," in Holsaert, et al., eds., Hands on the Freedom Plow, 266-69.
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88. This essay originally appeared in Freedomways, 2nd quarter, 1965.
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